Biography  |  Bibliography  |  Articles  |  Lectures  |  Photos  |  Videos  |  Quotes  |  Links  

Judith Butler. Judith Butler responds to attack: ‘I affirm a Judaism that is not associated with state violence’.

Judith Butler. Judith Butler responds to attack: ‘I affirm a Judaism that is not associated with state violence’. in: Mondoweiss. August 27, 2012. (English).

Translations:

Judith Butler. "Judith Butler responds to attack: ‘I affirm a Judaism that is not associated with state violence’." in: Mondoweiss. August 27, 2012. (English).
Judith Butler. "Diese Antisemitismus-Vorwürfe sind verleumderisch und haltlos." in: Zeit. August 29, 2012. Translated into German by Michael Adrian.
Judith Butler. "Judith Butler répond à l’attaque: ‘Oui je revendique un judaïsme qui n’est pas associé à la violence de l’Etat'." in: European Graduate School. August 29, 2012. Translated into French by Cécile Aubert.
Judith Butler. "Judith Butler responde a un ataque: Reivindico un Judaísmo que no está asociado a la violencia estatal." in: European Graduate School. August 29, 2012. Translated into Spanish by Natalia Lozano and Sergio Andrés Rueda.
Judith Butler. "Judith Butler Responde ao Ataque: “Reivindico um Judaísmo Não Associado à Violência do Estado”." in: European Graduate School. September 2, 2012. Translated into Portuguese by Andreia Afonso, Maíra Matthes and Sofia Borges.
Judith Butler. "Sostengo un giudaismo non associato alla violenza di Stato." in: il lavoro culturale. September 3, 2012. Translated into Italian by Nicola Perugini.
Judith Butler. "Ik onderschrijf een Judaïsme dat niet is geassocieerd met staatsgeweld." in: European Graduate School. August 27, 2012. Translated into Dutch by Heidi Simons and Dennis Schep.
Judith Butler. "Judith Butler svarar på angrepp: “Jag hävdar en judendom som inte är förknippad med statlig våld”." in: European Graduate School. September 13, 2012. Translated into Swedish by Lennart E. H. Räterlinck.
Judith Butler. "Judith Butler bregst við árásum: „Ég aðhyllist gyðingdóm sem ekki tengist ríkisofbeldi“." in: European Graduate School. September 4, 2012. Translated into Icelandic by Tryggvi Örn Úlfsson and Hlynur Helgason.
Judith Butler. "Judith Butler reagerer på angreb: ’Jeg bekender mig til en jødedom, som ikke er forbundet med statslig vold.’." in: European Graduate School. September 10, 2012. Translated into Danish by Anne Mette Agerholm and Dorthe Slej Pedersen.
Judith Butler. "Я поддерживаю Иудаизм, который не связан с государственным насилием." in: European Graduate School. September 4, 2012. Translated into Russian by Iaroslav Youssim and Natalia Fuchs.
Judith Butler. "Відповідь Джудіт Батлер на закиди: “Я стою на позиціях юдаїзму, що не пов’язаний з державним насильством"." in: European Graduate School. August 27, 2012. Translated into Ukrainian by Sofiya Skachko.
Judith Butler. "Judith Butler odpowiada na atak: “Popieram Judaizm, który nie jest powiązany z przemocą państwową." in: European Graduate School. September 4, 2012. Translated into Polish by Natalia Obukowicz and Beata Borowik.
Judith Butler. "Judith Butler odgovara na napad: 'Podupirem Judaizam nevezan s državnim nasiljem'." in: European Graduate School. August 29, 2012. Translated into Croatian by Dino Jakušić.
Judith Butler. "Olyan judaizmust támogatok, amely nem állami erőszakon alapszik." in: European Graduate School. September 18, 2012. Translated into Hungarian by Anikó Szilágyi.
Judith Butler. "Džudit Batler odgovara na napad: 'Podržavam judaizam koji nije u sprezi sa državnim nasiljem'." in: European Graduate School. August 29, 2012. Translated into Serbian by Vesna Madzoski and Vuk Stojkovic.
Judith Butler. "Judith Butler odgovarja na napad: »Podpiram judovstvo, ki ni povezano z državnim nasiljem«." in: European Graduate School. September 5, 2012. Translated into Slovenian by Alen Toplišek.
Judith Butler. "Judith Butler răspunde acuzatorilor: “susțin că iudaismul nu este asociat violenței de stat”." in: European Graduate School. September 13, 2012. Translated into Romanian by Irina Costache.
Judith Butler. "Devlet şiddetiyle ilişkili olmayan bir Yahudiliği onaylıyorum." in: European Graduate School. September 1, 2012. Translated into Turkish by Can Semercioğlu.
Judith Butler. "אני תומכת ביהדות שאינה קשורה לאלימות מדינית." in: European Graduate School. September 10, 2012. Translated into Hebrew by Catherine Habash and Iaroslav Youssim.
Judith Butler. "جودیت باتلر: «یهودیتی را تایید می کنم که همساز خشونت سیاسی نیست." in: European Graduate School. September 3, 2012. Translated into Farsi by Tina Rahimi.
Judith Butler. "میں ایسی یہودیت کی قائل ہوں جو ریاستی تشددسے منسلک نہ ہو." in: European Graduate School. September 3, 2012. Translated into Urdu by Mushtaq ur Rasool Bilal.

The Jerusalem Post recently published an article reporting that some organizations are opposed to my receiving the Adorno Prize, an award given every three years to someone who works in the tradition of critical theory broadly construed. The accusations against me are that I support Hamas and Hezbollah (which is not true) that I support BDS (partially true), and that I am anti-Semitic (patently false). Perhaps I should not be as surprised as I am that those who oppose my receiving the Adorno Prize would seek recourse to such scurrilous and unfounded charges to make their point. I am a scholar who gained an introduction to philosophy through Jewish thought, and I understand myself as defending and continuing a Jewish ethical tradition that includes figures such as Martin Buber and Hannah Arendt. I received a Jewish education in Cleveland, Ohio at The Temple under the tutelage of Rabbi Daniel Silver where I developed strong ethical views on the basis of Jewish philosophical thought. I learned, and came to accept, that we are called upon by others, and by ourselves, to respond to suffering and to call for its alleviation. But to do this, we have to hear the call, find the resources by which to respond, and sometimes suffer the consequences for speaking out as we do. I was taught at every step in my Jewish education that it is not acceptable to stay silent in the face of injustice. Such an injunction is a difficult one, since it does not tell us exactly when and how to speak, or how to speak in a way that does not produce a new injustice, or how to speak in a way that will be heard and registered in the right way. My actual position is not heard by these detractors, and perhaps that should not surprise me, since their tactic is to destroy the conditions of audibility.

I studied philosophy at Yale University and continued to consider the questions of Jewish ethics throughout my education. I remain grateful for those ethical resources, for the formation that I had, and that animates me still. It is untrue, absurd, and painful for anyone to argue that those who formulate a criticism of the State of Israel is anti-Semitic or, if Jewish, self-hating. Such charges seek to demonize the person who is articulating a critical point of view and so disqualify the viewpoint in advance. It is a silencing tactic: this person is unspeakable, and whatever they speak is to be dismissed in advance or twisted in such a way that it negates the validity of the act of speech. The charge refuses to consider the view, debate its validity, consider its forms of evidence, and derive a sound conclusion on the basis of listening to reason. The charge is not only an attack on persons who hold views that some find objectionable, but it is an attack on reasonable exchange, on the very possibility of listening and speaking in a context where one might actually consider what another has to say. When one set of Jews labels another set of Jews “anti-Semitic”, they are trying to monopolize the right to speak in the name of the Jews. So the allegation of anti-Semitism is actually a cover for an intra-Jewish quarrel.

In the United States, I have been alarmed by the number of Jews who, dismayed by Israeli politics, including the occupation, the practices of indefinite detention, the bombing of civilian populations in Gaza, seek to disavow their Jewishness. They make the mistake of thinking that the State of Israel represents Jewishness for our times, and that if one identifies as a Jew, one supports Israel and its actions. And yet, there have always been Jewish traditions that oppose state violence, that affirm multi-cultural co-habitation, and defend principles of equality, and this vital ethical tradition is forgotten or sidelined when any of us accept Israel as the basis of Jewish identification or values. So, on the one hand, Jews who are critical of Israel think perhaps they cannot be Jewish anymore of Israel represents Jewishness; and on the other hand, those who seek to vanquish anyone who criticizes Israel equate Jewishness with Israel as well, leading to the conclusion that the critic must be anti-Semitic or, if Jewish, self-hating. My scholarly and public efforts have been directed toward getting out of this bind. In my view, there are strong Jewish traditions, even early Zionist traditions, that value co-habitation and that offer ways to oppose violence of all kinds, including state violence. It is most important that these traditions be valued and animated for our time – they represent diasporic values, struggles for social justice, and the exceedingly important Jewish value of “repairing the world” (Tikkun).

It is clear to me that the passions that run so high on these issues are those that make speaking and hearing very difficult. A few words are taken out of context, their meaning distorted, and they then come to label or, indeed, brand an individual. This happens to many people when they offer a critical view of Israel – they are branded as anti-Semites or even as Nazi collaborators; these forms of accusation are meant to establish the most enduring and toxic forms of stigmatization and demonization. They target the person by taking the words out of context, inverting their meanings and having them stand for the person; indeed, they nullify the views of that person without regard to the content of those views. For those of us who are descendants of European Jews who were destroyed in the Nazi genocide (my grandmother’s family was destroyed in a small village south of Budapest), it is the most painful insult and injury to be called complicitous with the hatred of Jews or to be called self-hating. And it is all the more difficult to endure the pain of such an allegation when one seeks to affirm what is most valuable in Judaism for thinking about contemporary ethics, including the ethical relation to those who are dispossessed of land and rights of self-determination, to those who seek to keep the memory of their oppression alive, to those who seek to live a life that will be, and must be, worthy of being grieved. I contend that these values all derive from important Jewish sources, which is not to say that they are only derived from those sources. But for me, given the history from which I emerge, it is most important as a Jew to speak out against injustice and to struggle against all forms of racism. This does not make me into a self-hating Jew. It makes me into someone who wishes to affirm a Judaism that is not identified with state violence, and that is identified with a broad-based struggle for social justice.

My remarks on Hamas and Hezbollah have been taken out of context and badly distort my established and continuing views. I have always been in favor of non-violent political action, and this principle has consistently characterized my views. I was asked by a member of an academic audience a few years ago whether I thought Hamas and Hezbollah belonged to “the global left" and I replied with two points. My first point was merely descriptive: those political organizations define themselves as anti-imperialist, and anti-imperialism is one characteristic of the global left, so on that basis one could describe them as part of the global left. My second point was then critical: as with any group on the left, one has to decide whether one is for that group or against that group, and one needs to critically evaluate their stand. I do not accept or endorse all groups on the global left. Indeed, these very remarks followed a talk that I gave that evening which emphasized the importance of public mourning and the political practices of non-violence, a principle that I elaborate and defend in three of my recent books:Precarious Life, Frames of War, and Parting Ways. I have been interviewed on my non-violent views by Guernica and other on-line journals, and those views are easy to find, if one wanted to know where I stand on such issues. I am in fact sometimes mocked by members of the left who support forms of violent resistance who think I fail to understand those practices. It is true: I do not endorse practices of violent resistance and neither do I endorse state violence, cannot, and never have. This view makes me perhaps more naïve than dangerous, but it is my view. So it has always seemed absurd to me that my comments were taken to mean that I support or endorse Hamas and Hezbollah! I have never taken a stand on either organization, just as I have never supported every organization that is arguably part of the global left – I am not unconditionally supportive of all groups that currently constitute the global left.To say that those organizations belong to the left is not to say that they should belong, or that I endorse or support them in any way.

Two further points. I do support the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement in a very specific way. I reject some versions and accept others. For me, BDS means that I oppose investments in companies that make military equipment whose sole purpose is to demolish homes. It means as well that I do not speak at Israeli institutions unless they take a strong stand against the occupation. I do not accept any version of BDS that discriminates against individuals on the basis of their national citizenship, and I maintain strong collaborative relationships with many Israeli scholars. One reason I can endorse BDS and not endorse Hamas and Hezbollah is that BDS is the largest non-violent civic political movement seeking to establish equality and the rights of self-determination for Palestinians. My own view is that the peoples of those lands, Jewish and Palestinian, must find a way to live together on the condition of equality. Like so many others, I long for a truly democratic polity on those lands and I affirm the principles of self-determination and co-habitation for both peoples, indeed, for all peoples. And my wish, as is the wish of an increasing number of Jews and non-Jews, is that the occupation come to an end, that violence of all kinds cease, and that the substantial political rights of all people in that land be secured through a new political structure.

Two last notes: The group that is sponsoring this call is the Scholars for Peace in the Middle East, a misnomer at best, that claims on its website that “Islam” is an “inherently anti-semetic (sic) religion.” It is not, as The Jerusalem Post has reported, a large group of Jewish scholars in Germany, but an international organization with a base in Australia and California. They are a right-wing organization and so part of an intra-Jewish war. Ex-board member Gerald Steinberg is known for attacking human rights organizations in Israel as well as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. Their willingness to include Israeli infractions of human rights apparently makes them also eligible for the label, “anti-Semitic.”

Finally, I am not an instrument of any “NGO”: I am on the advisory board of Jewish Voice for Peace, a member of Kehillah Synagogue in Oakland, California, and an executive member of Faculty for Israeli-Palestinian Peace in the US and The Jenin Theatre in Palestine. My political views have ranged over a large number of topics, and have not been restricted to the Middle East or the State of Israel. Indeed, I have written about violence and injustice in other parts of the world, focusing mainly in wars waged by the United States. I have also written on violence against transgendered people in Turkey, psychiatric violence, torture in Guantanamo, and about police violence against peaceful protestors in the U.S, to name a few. I have also written against anti-Semitism in Germany and against racial discrimination in the United States.